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环球时报:西方滥发“人权奖”已难刺激中国

时间:2012-12-22 来源: 环球时报?????? 作者:admin??????

环球时报:西方滥发“人权奖”已难刺激中国

时间:2012-12-22??????来源:环球时报??????作者:admin??????点击:
美国人权观察组织近日宣布2012年赫尔曼/哈米特奖获奖者名单,其中12名是中国人,几乎都坐过牢或目前正在狱中。

       

   

 
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环球时报12月22日社评 美国“人权观察”组织近日宣布2012年“赫尔曼·哈米特奖”获奖者名单,一共41人,竟有12名是中国人,并有7人是中国的维、蒙、藏等少数民族,他们几乎都坐过牢或目前正在狱中。看看发奖的组织名称,再看看获奖者都是哪些人,这个奖是用来干什么的,大概不说中国人也能猜个八九不离十。

 

这两年中国在西方获各种“人权奖”的极端异见人士越来越多,获奖者的名气则不断走低。中国社会如今早已见怪不怪,我们都知道这个国家有一些对抗政治制度的人,西方支持他们,这已经是中西之间博弈的定式之一。

 

由于中国发展的总量很大,中国同西方交往的主体内容也有了惊人规模,中西这种摩擦在双方关系中的占比相对萎缩,极端异见人士在中国的影响萎缩得更快。他们往往还不如互联网上的合法批判者更受关注。

 

确切说,极端异见人士在中国已完全边缘化了,西方继续利用他们刺激中国是缺少创新的表现。事实上整个西方舆论的声音也在中国越来越小,它们在输给中国微博上的热闹。

 

“赫尔曼·哈米特奖”的最高个人奖金额不到1万美元,它的宗旨之一据说是要给受到各国政府“迫害”的人一些“生活补贴”。但他们或许不知道,这点钱对今天中国的合法批判者们是小得可怜的数目。中国已是“大块头”,西方花的那点钱和他们的愿望相比实在是杯水车薪。

 

中国同西方在人权问题上争不清楚,双方相互根本听不懂对方说的话。那就算了。中国国内的人权批评如今已经要多少有多少,它们虽有时偏激,但都比较具体,社会能搞明白来龙去脉。西方发人权奖往往找了突兀的缘由,选了奇怪的人,我们对此不必费太大心思琢磨。

 

西方批评中国人权当然不是毫无正面意义,它们毕竟对中国社会带来过触动。有时对抗也是相互影响的一种方式。然而客观地说,西方的很多批评都超越了中国现实,从而引发了中国人对西方这样做背后用心的高度怀疑。这一切严重破坏了中西之间的战略互信,它带给21世纪的负面损害远远高于正面收益。

 

极端异见人士在中国改革开放中扮演了很另类的角色,但即使很久以后回过头再做评价,他们也决不会被看成推动中国前进的主流力量。西方给这些人如此集中地发奖,如果不是西方的恶作剧,就是他们对中国的力量分析发生了本末倒置的偏差。

 

中国社会的多元化造成了国家前进方式的微妙改变。过去政府发出号召,社会一呼百应。现在争论发生了。国家再犯重大错误的几率小了,但同时社会的运行效率也在降低。中国正在这些变化中寻找新的平衡点。极端异见人士突破了社会变化和探索的合法系统,他们制造出破坏性,对他们的依法追究决非这个时代的意外。

 

西方对中国极端异见人士的支持看似越来越密,但这种事最出风头的高潮实际已经过去,它对西方渐成食之无味、弃之可惜的鸡肋。如今做这些事的西方组织更像搞商业公关,它们装腔作势,傍着中国崛起找噱头炒作自己。那些所谓的“人权奖”都是绞尽脑汁吸引公众关注的游戏。▲


Human rights awards can’t irritate China

 

 

The US-based Human Rights Watch announced the list of Hellman-Hammett Grant nominees of 2012 on Thursday. Of its 41 recipients, 12 are Chinese nationals, including seven members of ethnic minorities, most of whom either have been or are still in prison.
 

 

 

 

In the past two years, more and more extreme dissidents have been awarded a variety of "human rights awards" issued by the West. However, these award-winners have become less and less popular within China.

 

 

 

 

Thanks to China's enormous development, China also sees a rapidly expanded scale in its exchanges with the West, while the conflicts between China and the West now have a smaller impact on overall bilateral relations. As a result, the impact dissidents could have on the country has shrunk. And their influence, most of the time, is not as strong as those critics who criticize China on the internet within the legal framework.

 

 

 

 

Extreme dissidents are totally on the fringe in today's China, and the West's attempts to use them to irritate China is unimaginative. As a matter of fact, the voices heard in the West are weaker voices in China, and have been swallowed in the heated discussions on social network platforms like Weibo.

 

 

 

 

There is never a clear-cut conclusion in terms of the disputes on human rights between China and the West. And there are already quite a few Chinese critics who criticize China's human right problems. Sometimes, they go to extremes, but their criticism is very concrete and clear. Extreme dissidents play an unconventional role in China's reform and opening-up. They can't be regarded as a mainstream force to push China ahead.

 

 

 

 

There is no positive significance in terms of the West's criticism of human rights, and indeed, it once brought some disturbances to Chinese society. Sometimes, confrontation could also be a way of influencing each other. But objectively speaking, most of the criticism from the West just goes beyond reality, which finally leads to high suspicion from Chinese on the real purpose of such criticism. And all this brings serious damage to the strategic mutual trust between the two parties.

 

 

 

 

The diversity of Chinese society has lead to subtle changes in the means behind China's advance. In the past, the government could always receive an unanimous response to its calls. Today, there are lots of disputes behind the calls.

 

 

 

 

There seems to be more concentrated support from the West for these extreme dissidents, but the climate has changed. Today it's more like commercial PR for the organizations that make such a move. These "human rights awards" are just an attempt to get public attention. ▲

 

 

 
 

 


>> 2012年赫尔曼/哈米特奖获奖名单(部分)

 

Wang Lihong (China)

Wang Lihong became a full-time human rights defender after retiring as a government employee in 2008. She writes poetry, open letters, and online commentary advocating for rights of women, the poor, homeless, and other victims of social injustice in China. In October 2010, Wang was detained for eight days along with other activists for celebrating Liu Xiaobo’s Nobel Peace Prize. She wrote about the experience in a series of poems entitled Eight Days, in which she expresses solidarity with other prisoners being held by Chinese authorities for their peaceful activism. In 2011, Wang was detained and subsequently arrested for organizing a protest in defense of three “netizens” (online activists) on trial in Fujian province. She was tried and found guilty of “picking quarrels and provoking troubles” and was sentenced to nine months in prison.

 

Qi Chonghuai (China)

Qi Chonghuai is a Chinese journalist known for his work in a wide array of publications exposing official corruption and social injustice. He has been called the “Anti-Corruption Reporter” and “Reporter of Conscience.” Qi was arrested and detained in 2007 after his publication of photographs depicting a luxurious government building constructed with taxpayer funds in the economically poor Tengzhou province in 2007 prompted a popular outcry. In 2008, he was convicted of “extortion and blackmail” and sentenced to four years in prison. While in custody, he was severely beaten and tortured, but continued to write articles on the mistreatment of prisoners in China. These articles were confiscated but nevertheless ended up on Chinese websites in 2009. In May 2011, one month before his scheduled release, Qi was “retried” and his sentence changed to 12 years. He is in Zaozhuang Prison with a scheduled release date of June 25, 2019. His wife is ill and unemployed, and she and their two children live in extreme hardship.

 

Huang Qi (China)

Huang Qi is a longtime human rights activist and writer in China. In 1998, Huang and his wife founded the Tianwang Missing Persons Inquiry Service Center to assist people in locating and reuniting with missing and forcibly disappeared family members in China. In 1999, the organization went online as China’s first domestic human rights website, featuring articles and information from Huang and other activists. Huang was detained in 2000, convicted of “inciting subversion of state power” in 2003, and sentenced to five years in prison and one year of deprivation of political rights. He was beaten and tortured in prison. After being released in 2005, he immediately renewed his online advocacy, restructuring the Tianwang website to feature reporting on other human rights defenders, and government corruption such as the expropriation of farmland. After reporting on the shoddy construction of schools that collapsed in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake and neglect of the victims, Huang was kidnapped and detained again, convicted in a secret trial, and sentenced to three years in prison. He was released in 2011, and despite continuing harassment, deprivation of rights, and extremely poor health resulting from his time in prison, continues in his commitment to human rights advocacy.

 

He Depu (China)

He Depu has been a veteran activist and writer in China since the 1979 Democracy Wall Movement, and a prolific writer for online publications including Beijing Youth, China E-Weekly, and Democracy Forum.  He also headed the China Democratic Party (CDP) from 1999 to 2002, and wrote a series documenting the history of the CDP as an independent political party declared illegal by the Chinese government. In November 2003, He was convicted of “inciting subversion of state power” and sentenced to eight years in prison and a further two years of deprivation of political rights. He was beaten and tortured while in prison, and in 2008 wrote an open letter to the president of the International Olympic Committee to highlight the brutal treatment of China’s political prisoners in the lead-up to the Beijing Olympics.  He was released in 2011 but remains deprived of political rights. He is unemployed and in poor health, but continues to write for online publications, calling for protection of human rights and scrutiny of Chinese authorities.

 

Huuchinhuu Govruud (China)

Huuchinhuu Govruud, an ethnic Mongolian, began her writing career with essays in journals and newspapers on Mongolian language and literature. She became a prolific dissident internet blogger, and an outspoken critic of Chinese government policies in Southern Mongolia, arguing for the preservation of Mongolian language, culture and identity and protection of the Mongolian natural environment.

Huuchinhuu has since 1996 been repeatedly summoned, questioned, and detained many times for her activism, writing, and participation in the Southern Mongolian Democracy Alliance (SDMA). Following the total restriction of her travel, she was placed under house arrest in 2010 for rallying Mongolians through the Internet to cheer for the release of Hada, the founder of SMDA. She has intermittently been held in prison or in a police-guarded hospital, and beaten by police for her refusal to cooperate. She is reportedly in poor health and has limited contact with the outside world while under house arrest, her phone and internet having been cut off.

 

Memetjan Abdulla (China)

The Uyghur journalist Memetjan Abdulla worked for eight years as a broadcaster and editor at the Uyghur service of the People’s Republic of China National Radio. In his free time, Abdulla also assisted in the management of the independent Uyghur-language website Salkin. In 2009, Abdulla was arrested and charged for translating and posting to Salkin a call made by the Munich-based World Uyghur Congress to protest the deaths of Uyghur factory workers in the eastern Chinese city of Shaoguan. The initially peaceful protests in Urumqi over these deaths from July 5 to 7, 2009, became one of the worst episodes of ethnic violence in China in decades. According to government figures, 197 people, 134 of them Han Chinese, died in the violence, and some 1,600 were injured. Security forces arrested hundreds of suspected protesters over the following days and weeks, and the government promised harsh punishment – including the death penalty for the worst offenders – as early as July 9. Although he did not take part in the protests, Abdulla was sentenced to life in prison for “inciting subversion to state power.”

 

Gulmire Imin (China)

Gulmire Imin is a Uyghur writer in China who worked for the Uyghur-language website Salkin, and contributed poetry and articles critical of Chinese government policies. After Salkin posted a call for a demonstration in Urumqi following the deaths of Uyghur factory workers, a protest that became violent after it was suppressed by Chinese security forces (see description in the biography of Memetjan Abdulla), she was arrested as a web moderator of the website and sentenced to life in prison for being an “illegal organizer.” Her sentence is notably harsh compared to sentences of others who participated in the unrest and is reflective of the government’s crackdown on dissent by ethnic minorities. She was reportedly tortured while in detention, and she is currently held in the Xinjiang Women’s Prison in Urumqi.

 

Sun Wenguang (China)

Sun Wenguang is a retired professor of physics at Shandong University. He has published hundreds of articles critical of the Chinese government, on subjects including the SARS epidemic, restrictions on media freedom, official corruption, and the Wenchuan earthquake, and he has spoken out on behalf of other dissidents including Du Daobin and Liu Xiaobo. He has also published four books in Hong Kong: Against the Wind for 33 Years: Dictatorship after 1977 versus Constitutional Democracy; Essays from Within and Without of Prison; Calling for Freedom; A Country in a Century of Trouble: From Mao Zedong to Jiang Zemin; and Essays on Chinese Central Government and CCP from Prison.

During the Cultural Revolution, Sun was detained twice for a total of 30 months for “counterrevolutionary speech.” In 1974, he was arrested again and detained for three-and-a-half years; in 1978 he was sentenced to seven years in a forced labor camp on similar charges of criticizing Mao. Sun was only politically rehabilitated in 1982. In April 2009, while en route to commemorate the death of Zhao Ziyang, the former Chinese prime minister who had been dismissed after supporting Tiananmen Square protesters, he was attacked by unidentified assailants, suffering several broken ribs and numerous injuries to his head and spine. He has run in local political elections in recent years, and has been placed under house arrest during these campaign periods and at other sensitive periods. He continues to write.

 

Four anonymous Tibetans (China)

Four writers imprisoned for writing about protests in Tibet.
 

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